Street Food Market
London is a paradise for food enthusiasts, particularly when it comes to its street food markets. Borough Market, Old Spitalfields Market, and Brick Lane are just a few examples of the vibrant culinary scene in the city. These markets have gained significant attention on social media platforms like Instagram and YouTube, with numerous posts and vlogs showcasing the diverse street food offerings in London. Londonxlonon, for instance, has compiled a list of the top 35 best street food markets in London.
In this context, we turn our focus to Maltby Street Market, a popular weekend market in South-East London. Each street food market has its own history, and the same as Maltby Street Market. On the market website, the market name is referenced to,
“a nearby ropewalk owned by notable Bermondsey eccentric Robert Rich in the 18th century and marked thus on John Roques’ map of 1746. The area was disrupted by the construction of the London to Greenwich railway completed in 1836. The viaduct that carried the railway consisting of 40,000,000 bricks now provides a home for both Maltby Street Market and many other food and beverage traders in Bermondsey”.
Perceived Authenticity
Tourists who are drawn to markets like Maltby Street Market often seek an authentic local experience. The quest for authenticity has long been a subject of study in tourism research, but the global pandemic and the rise of the experiential economy have brought new dimensions to this discourse, prompting questions about traditional concepts and representations of authenticity. These transformations have positioned authenticity as a key element in shaping tourism experiences and contributing to the resilience of destinations and the visitor economy in times of recovery.
Authenticity has deep roots in the Western heritage conservation movement, encompassing notions of historical and aesthetic significance and values (Cleere, 2001). The tourism literature has examined authenticity through three main approaches: objectivism, constructivism, and existentialism (Wang, 1999; Zhu, 2012). Each approach provides insights into how authenticity is perceived and the types of experiences it represents. Wang (1999) proposes the concepts of intrapersonal authenticity and interpersonal orientation of authenticity, which help to explain why contemporary tourism emphasizes the quality of experiences, individual emotional engagement, and well-being interests. While Rickly-Boyd (2012) argues that authenticity arises from the interaction between objects, sites, and experiences, there has been limited scholarly engagement with the evolving dynamics and processes involved. Zhu (2012) introduces the concept of “performative authenticity,” which recognizes the transformative potential of ongoing interactions between individuals and social structures.
Community responses to perceived authenticity can differ from those of tourists. It is argued that tourists often seek experiences that provide them with signifiers of taste and “cultural capital,” contributing to their sense of personal and group identity (Richards, 1996). However, tourists and residents may have different reactions to the transformation of local ways of life into commodities for tourist consumption and the associated notions of authenticity. In this context, authenticity is understood as a social structure that is influenced by individuals’ own knowledge and frame of reference (McKercher & du Cros, 2002).
Both tourists and residents might consider that religious tourism has resulted in a loss of local identity and distinctiveness. Their reactions relate to negotiations around their sense of identity, and to their active involvement in making personal decisions about whether to express consent or dissent (Chang, 1997; Su & Teo, 2009).
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